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Deforation is the Tyranny of Government

One of the most pressing issues of our times is the environment. Global warming, deforestation, so on and so forth. It is widely held by the Left that this is the fault of corporations exploiting the plant genetic resources of the third world and overproducing, for the consumption of the Western bourgeois. In general, the only retort that the right has been able to muster has been to question global warming.

Now I don’t know whether global warming is true or not but that is certainly not the question: deforestation threatens to destroy the livelihoods of millions of human beings, in the rainforests and jungles of the world, from Borneo to Amazon. The very same principles of deforestation, though, occur all over the world; from Asia to Southern America.

Let’s examine exactly how the process occurs. A logging company wants to sell timber to a furniture company. They go to the respective Government of the country they plan to extract the resources from, and they probably pay a hefty bribe – it doesn’t matter either way, they get the rights from the Government to log the land, or they buy the land outright to be deforested. Anyone with a basic belief in Liberty will soon be able to spot the slight problem with the argument that this is a fault of the free market.

That land was not the Government’s to give away.

The local natives who live on that land and have to put up with the destruction of their natural habitat by Governments and logging corporations are right to wonder what right the Government had to sell their land away. The people of Borneo have been living off the land in the form of rice paddies and other forms of agriculture for hundreds and hundreds of years. You might call them savages, and perhaps, savages they may be (although it was fashionable to them to resist by force of arms the coercive taxation schemes of petty despots and monarchs long before the American revolution), but it was their property, and it was not the State’s to sell, and not the Corporation’s to deforest.

It is the basic right of homesteading: that because land is scarce, property rights come from the use of that land for productive purposes. If someone takes over some land and puts it to use it becomes their property. Homesteading is basically the cornerstone of Western civilisation and laissez-faire Liberalism.

How would you like it if you spent eighty years growing a really nice tree in your back garden only for the State to sell your back garden to a logging corporation who swiftly fells the tree. Why, you ask, did this happen? “For the benefit of national development of the economy and the greater good?” The real truth is that Governments never benefit the national development of an economy when they abuse property rights. And if it were the case that the Government could “benefit the development of the national economy” by taking people’s property and selling it to environment-destroying Corporations – whose to say they can only sell land? Why can’t they come and confiscate your computer, or your books, or your bed, or your football posters – they are, after all, your property, which you have a sovereign right to own.

And economically, you might claim that a system of enforced land property rights would be intolerable – it would vastly increase the costs of production, after all, and make timber and anything related to wood much much more expensive. This theory is problematic. The Government owns the land and it rents it out or sells it to corporations at whatever price it thinks is right – yet, you and I know for sure that in every system in human history where the Government has rationed scarce resources, there has at some point or another been a shortage.

If we consider the concept of long run supply and short run supply, usually this is not as devastating as I am going to claim it will be, because the system can be changed and the good that is in a shortage can be produced more. Of course, this isn’t an argument for price and wage controls – the Government can never have the full market information to correctly set prices without achieving some kind of horrific market distortion. Nonetheless, in this area, it’s even worse: why?

Because the amount of land on the Earth can not grow. We can not produce a hundred square acres more of forestry every day like we could produce a hundred more radios a day. Yes, ok, land can be reclaimed from the sea and trees can be planted, but there is every indication that at the current rate that forested land is being rationed by the Government to logging corporations, we will be out of trees far sooner than the effects of any large-scale tree planting. Make no mistake, if there is a shortage in trees because they have been incorrectly rationed, there will be no more trees. And then prices will skyrocket, far higher than under any other alternative. That, unfortunately, though, is the predictable future for this planet.

If we want our children to inherit sustainable forests, we must enforce a free market in land: the people who live and work on the land must be given ownership rights rather than the Government. Only then will the correct market rationing exist and as close as possible to an equilibrium can occur in the amount of trees planted compared to the amount of trees chopped down. A tribe who have worked on and lived off a hundred square acre plot of land are not going to chop it all down in an instant. That is not their way. And even if it was, who’s to say that the land would be the Government’s to seize? Is the State obliged to seize all “strategic resources?”

And any land not used by locals can be sold off to the Government to the highest bidder. Whether this is greenpeace or a logging corporation is irrelevant. No logging corporation will immediately use up all its resources if it understands that the price of future land is going to be much higher. In conclusion, a sustainable system of logging and forestry management is impossible only when the Government controls and rations the land upon which trees, or any other natural resource, are found.

Dangerous Lessons on Mises.org

My piece on the “Dangerous Lessons of 1937” was published on Mises Daily today.

Dress Like the Great Depression

[Originally published on Mises Daily, 9 March 2009.]

A conspicuous cultural change we can look forward to is a dramatic change in men’s dress style. Guys, you might as well get ahead of the curve. The free-fall economy means a boon for better fashion for men who intend to survive the onslaught.

We will be highly fortunate if the second Great Depression turns out to be as stylish as the first, in which even the bums sleeping in the park benches looked better than the average workers and even CEOs today.

Just look at this guy in this Depression-era photo. See the 1 ¾ inch cuffs on his trousers, the snappy crease in his pants, the great hat, and the woolen trousers? And the shoes: leather and laces resting on a solid foundation. If I found any of his clothes in the vintage shop, I would snap them up and be ready for today’s tight job market, which seeks serious men, not goofs in sweats and polos.

The boom times led to great shabbiness. Workers have lived in wrinkles and jeans. The guy with the shirt with buttons is derided by others — “You going to a wedding or something?” We were all encouraged to look up to the slobwear of hotshot traders and stock jobbers and the others, who revel in the fact that they look like heck all of the time. Even the billionaires have looked like hobos (who themselves looked pretty great in the 1930s).

The idea behind shabby vogue was to give the impression that you don’t really care what others think. You are the cutting edge, the smasher of idols and conventions, a person who doesn’t give a flip about how society judges such artificial external superficialities as pant creases and ties and things. Your value is in your very person, the fact of your existence on this planet. In the boom times, the message of fashion is “It’s all about me!”

Now all of this has come into question. How much value did this jeans-clad generation really add? How much of it evaporated? How much was illusion all along? Maybe all this hype about intellectual capital is poppycock, and what matters is what one actually does, and not only for oneself but for others, such as customers and bosses and fellow workers.

As Trevor Kaufman, the guru of “CEO Casual,” told the Wall Street Journal in an article written at the top of the boom, “A suit has become something you wear when you’re asking for money.”

Uh, right.

In the bust, your clothes need to send a different message. There are fewer resources to spare. Everyone is conserving. The goal of your life becomes different. You are no longer permitted to pretend that your very existence is a blessing to the world. Instead, you must add more value to the world than you take from it. This is especially true in your work life.

In fact, this should be your professional motto: I can add more value to this firm than I take from it.

This is what every employer — who these days is reluctant to hire and reluctant to promote and pay — is actually seeking. No more fluff in the workforce. No more fluff in fashion either.

Right now, with unemployment moving into the double digits, it is becoming a dog-eat-dog world in labor markets. You must stand out. You must find ways to show that you are not expendable, that tossing you out would do more harm to the company than good. You must show that the company will risk losing more revenue by sending you away than by keeping you.

Clothing reflects this. There is no sense in disadvantaging yourself in this struggle.

Just have a look at what all men in the Great Depression wore. They were smashing. The suit. The hat. The shoes. The ties. Everything was well put together, among all races and classes of men. This isn’t just because all this stuff was intrinsic to the culture. Men in all times and all places have had the option of looking ridiculously unkempt. The point is that these men were under pressure to perform, to show that they were valuable, to demonstrate on sight that they were desirable commodities as workers.

So let us plunge back in time to examine modern needs in light of historical precedent, with some tutorial along the way.

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Hayek and Robbins Caused the Great Depression?

From an interview with Milton Friedman:

EPSTEIN You were acquainted with the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek and also are familiar with the work of Ludwig von Mises and his American disciple, Murray Rothbard. When you were talking about bad investments, you were alluding to Austrian business-cycle theory. A certain concept that has pretty much gone into our parlance and understanding fits in with what you said about what happened in Asia. There can be times and conditions in which the stage can be set for malinvestment that leads to recession.

FRIEDMAN That is a very general statement that has very little content. I think the Austrian business-cycle theory has done the world a great deal of harm. If you go back to the 1930s, which is a key point, here you had the Austrians sitting in London, Hayek and Lionel Robbins, and saying you just have to let the bottom drop out of the world. You’ve just got to let it cure itself. You can’t do anything about it. You will only make it worse. You have Rothbard saying it was a great mistake not to let the whole banking system collapse. I think by encouraging that kind of do-nothing policy both in Britain and in the United States, they did harm.

This view was later accepted by men such as Ben Bernanke and Bradford DeLong.  Apart from the fact that the Federal Reserve hardly allowed the economy to liquidate without attempts to re-inflate the money stock, Hayek’s major work on business cycle theory was not published into English until after 1930.  In Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle, Hayek makes reference to the Federal Reserve’s attempts to inflate the money supply after the October 1929 stock market crash, and this view is reinforced by Murray Rothbard’s America’s Great Depression.

Lawrence White gives a more correct impression of Hayek’s and Robbin’s influence during the Great Depression: Did Hayek and Robbins Deepen the Great Depression?

Republicans Aren’t Ready Yet

“Victory in Afghanistan is imperative for our national security.”—Bob McDonnell

Give me a break.  So much for the “return to the old right”.  The Republican Party is still the same party which backed George W. Bush and John McCain; nothing has changed.  The following was written by Malalai Joya, a parliament member in Afghanistan:

As an Afghan woman who was elected to Parliament, I am in the United States to ask President Barack Obama to immediately end the occupation of my country.

In 2001, the U.S. helped return to power the worst misogynist criminals, such as the Northern Alliance warlords and druglords. These men ought to be considered a photocopy of the Taliban. The only difference is that the Northern Alliance warlords wear suits and ties and cover their faces with the mask of democracy while they occupy government positions. But they are responsible for much of the disaster today in Afghanistan, thanks to the U.S. support they enjoy.

The U.S. and its allies are getting ready to offer power to the medieval Taliban by creating an imaginary category called the “moderate Taliban” and inviting them to join the government. A man who was near the top of the list of most-wanted terrorists eight years ago, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, has been invited to join the government.

Over the past eight years the U.S. has helped turn my country into the drug capital of the world through its support of drug lords. Today, 93 percent of all opium in the world is produced in Afghanistan. Many members of Parliament and high ranking officials openly benefit from the drug trade. President Karzai’s own brother is a well known drug trafficker.

Meanwhile, ordinary Afghans are living in destitution. The latest United Nations Human Development Index ranked Afghanistan 181 out of 182 countries. Eighteen million Afghans live on less than $2 a day. Mothers in many parts of Afghanistan are ready to sell their children because they cannot feed them.

The United States went to war in Afghanistan to catch Osama bin Laden.  He has yet to be caught.  The most important question is: who are we fighting?  Our original enemy is Al-Qaeda, supposedly, but Al-Qaeda has already moved their base of operations elsewhere.  Alas, the Afghani money drain will continue to exist, and Republicans who should have already learned their lesson continue with their dogmatic, immoral and expensive ideologies.

Passion as a Liberty

Entrepreneurship is a building block for economic development.  Individuals who invest and invent are instilled with a passion to create wealth.  The integral role played by entrepreneurship in economic and human development is almost universally accepted as true.  The main point of contention is in pinpointing the source of the incentive to invest.  Is the drive to devote time and capital into an investment a natural phenomenon within the human race?  Or, does it need to be harnessed and inspired by some higher authority, such as government?  If the latter is true, then without the State is humankind forever condemned to stagnation and eventual self-extermination?

Although to many these questions may seem bizarre, there are intellectuals who believe that passion and entrepreneurship rely on the guidance of the State.  In an article titled “Bringing the World out of Denial: The Power of Passion, the Fallacy of Fear”, James Cusumano appeals to government as a means of avoiding the pitfalls of human fallibility.  He even goes as far as to praise government spending programs, such as NASA, as methods of adding wealth to economies.[1] Without the State, human passion will never be provoked to a sufficient degree such as to bring about great advances in human society.

He writes:

World-renowned Harvard biologist, E.O. Wilson thinks that human beings may be hardwired to avoid worrying about future generations. He points out that, “For hundreds of millennia, those who worked for the short-term gain within a small circle of relatives and friends lived longer and left more offspring—even when their collective striving caused their children and empires to crumble around them.[2]

What is his solution?

In my opinion, there is only one force that can erase this self-protecting, laissez faire attitude towards critical global challenges, or any critical change for that matter: the energy of unbridled passion.

He makes a clear distinction between laissez-faire and factors that channel the “energy of unbridled passion”.  Further along the article, Cusumano explains how this unbridled passion is brought about:

How do we instill such passion? I think there are three components that must be present. First, and foremost, the challenge must appeal to a person’s need to help the “greater good.” This is the key ingredient of unbridled passion.

People must perceive and believe deep down that they are part of a team that will change the world for the better. That is the magic. It has been done before quite successfully. U.S. President John F. Kennedy galvanized Americans after the successful launch of the Soviet’s Sputnik satellite. He roused their passion with his personal commitment to what some saw as a daunting goal: “We must and we will put a man on the moon in less than one decade.” And we did. NASA was formed, which not only achieved this goal, but also spawned numerous new technologies and companies, ultimately creating millions of jobs and stimulating the world economy with trillions of dollars of GDP.

For James Cusumano, it is clear that individuals require an exogenous source of motivation.  Furthermore, these motivations must revolve around tangible utilitarian objectives.  Great minds—Gandhi and Edison, in this case—work for long-term, long-reaching developments for the purpose of a greater good.  There is an important distinction between a utilitarian motive and a utilitarian outcome—the possibility of development inspired by self-interest, that ultimately benefits all of humanity is discarded as unrealistic or non-existent.           These motives, or reasons for passion, must be instilled by the government, because people must be made to believe that “they are part of a team”.

To his credit, Cusumano addresses another factor behind passion:

Let them play a role in developing the strategic plan. This creates ownership and commitment.

Cusumano hits here on the concept of ownership.  Taking it to the next logical step, what Cusumano seems to be referring to is the concept of private property.  Unfortunately, this valuable point is muddled by his attempt to incorporate government-led collectivism and argue within his narrow utilitarian framework.

Passion and entrepreneurship are innate in the human mind.  They are products not of outside motivation, but of internal rationalization—the drive to always maximize utility.  This, not State stirred utilitarianism, is the driving wheel of economic and societal development.  Since an individual can only excel by bartering with his neighbors—i.e. the division of labor—, the individual’s developments must be able to satisfy his neighbors’ wants and needs. This is what ultimately gives the impression that progress is done for the greater good.  The emphasis should be placed on utilitarian outcomes, as opposed to utilitarian motives.

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Dan Mitchell on Stimulus Spending

There is no hope…

Paul Krugman posts on Paul Volcker, who he considers a “hard-money guy”.  Personally, I thought the following was a gem:

I haven’t had an opportunity to ask him, but my guess is that he’s suspicious of quantitative easing, and would be more likely to side with the Fed’s inflation hawks than with those of us who think the Fed should expand its balance sheet, target higher inflation, and in general do whatever it takes to bootstrap ourselves out of the liquidity trap.

Given all of the debate on liquidity traps held here, I thought it would be valuable to refine my understanding of the concept.  It seems to me that Paul Krugman has become another Keynesian completely detached from reality.  John Maynard Keynes operated, to some extent or another, under a Wicksellian framework of capital.  Keynes had some understanding of capital theory.  He simply did not ascribe to the theory of roundaboutness, later extended by Böhm-Bawerk, and did not make the same logical deductions that Friedrich Hayek did (although, to be fair, Hayek was aided by the fact that he had read Mises).  Nevertheless, Keynes at least had some understanding of capital theory.  Since then, Keynesian theory has completely detached itself from capital theory, and it has come to a point where they have so muddled basic economic principles that they have even begun to contradict themselves.

A liquidity trap is where interest rates have fallen to their lower bound, meaning that further quantitative easing will not allow for a further drop in interest rates.  Usually, this bound is at 0%, but with the “advent” (not really, they have existed since the beginning of central banking and inflation) of negative interest rates who knows where the lower bound is.  Who is John Galt?  (Sorry, I’ve been reading Atlas Shrugged.)  The reason why it is considered a liquidity trap is because no further amount of liquidity will stimulate lending and private investment.  So, if Krugman thinks that further quantitative easing can stimulate the economy, we’re not in a liquidity trap!

Apart from proving that Paul Krugman really has no idea what he’s talking about, it also goes to show that Keynesian theory is a bunch of hooey.

The best part of that blog post was a reader’s comment.  Check it out:

We have a desperate need for inflation. Why does no one know this? We have been creating more and more poor people every year. Poor people do not buy cars, TVs, homes or college educations for their children. Note Bob Herbert’s column in Suday’s Times. Ninety one million Americans make less than twenty two thousand dollars a year. Since 2000, we have added five million people to the number of poor.

Why does no one know that we need to get money to the sixty percent of Americans that have earned less income in real terms for the past ten years. A recorery requires an increase in demand. We will spin our wheels until a correction is made in the distribution of income in this country.

I have a feeling that the majority of Americans would agree with this poster.  There is a need for demand, which is effectively consumption, and you buy things with money.  Therefore, it follows that if you need to buy, you need money.  I am willing to make the assumption that these same people agree that much money, or hyperinflation, is a problem.  There is a disconnect somewhere there.  I have a very bad feeling about the near future…

Spanish Economic History

School of SalamancaI was able to acquire three more books for 2010.  Before I took up economics, I was an avid historian.  I was interested in mostly military history: classical military history and the Second World War.  My interest in history has rolled over as I now mull over economics textbooks.  After finishing Murray Rothbard’s Economic Thought Before Adam Smith, I became interested in writing a piece on the Spanish Empire.  Specifically, the article would deal with the conquest of the Americas, the influx of gold and silver bullion into Spain, its spread into Europe and the resulting inflation.  There would be some history on the price-fixing which took place during various Spanish reigns (well, all Spanish reigns really), but for the most part it would deal with how Spain’s power was dependant on this new bullion to maintain their relative high purchasing power compared to other European nations.

Until recently, I haven’t really seriously considered going through with the idea.  In early January I picked up Hayek’s Prices & Production and Other Works.  After finishing Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle and The “Paradox of Saving”, I put the book down and decided to switch to Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged (a book that I plan to finish within a week hopefully, as I will have to go back over it anyways over the next year).  Although I intend to stick to my original reading schedule, I have cluttered it up some more, although with nothing too serious (if I dedicated myself, I could probably finish at least two of three readings within a day on a weekend).

I purchased Marjorie Grice-Hutchinson’s The School of Salamanca and Paul Cantor’s (and Stephen Cox’s) Literature and the Economics of Liberty.  The latter of the two is longer, but I am only interested in the chapter on Cervantes (for now).  The book deals with any possible influence on Cervantes by the School of Salamanca, and reinterpretations of his writings.  Cantor and Cox suggest that Cervantes was more pro-market than many previously considered.  I have a similar interpretation of Cervantes’ Don Quijote: I believe that it was a metaphor for a dying Spain, given that the Spanish government refused to adapt to new economic ideas.

To give myself a chance to shore up on my general knowledge on the Spanish Empire, I also bought Henry Kamen’s Empire: How Spain Became a World Power.  This will provide some additional background, although I want to use it mostly to source relevant contextual information.  I will have to buy a second and third general history, as well, but these should be relatively cheap, and I can probably find them at a local Borders bookstore.

In any case, expect a piece on the subject some time in the future (I would give it at least a month or two).  In the mean time, I have some reading to do.

The Fake History of the Depression

[Originally published on Mises Daily.]

Since late 2007, more and more commentators have drawn parallels between our current financial crisis and the Great Depression. Nobel laureates and presidential advisorsDownload PDF confidently proclaim that it was Herbert Hoover’s laissez-faire penny pinching that exacerbated the Depression, and that the American economy was saved only when FDR boldly ran up enormous deficits to fight the Nazis. But as I document in my new book, The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Great Depression and the New Deal, this official history is utterly false.

Let’s first set the record straight on Herbert Hoover’s fiscal policies. Contrary to what you have heard and read over the last year, Hoover behaved as a textbook Keynesian after the stock-market crash. He immediately cut income tax rates by one percentage point (applicable to the 1929 tax year) and began ratcheting up federal spending, increasing it 42 percent from fiscal year (FY) 1930 to FY 1932.

But to truly appreciate Hoover’s Keynesian bona fides, we must realize that this enormous jump in spending occurred amidst a collapse in tax receipts, due both to the decline in economic activity as well as the price deflation of the early 1930s. This combination led to unprecedented peacetime deficits under the Hoover administration — something FDR railed against during the 1932 campaign!

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